Explain how the actor viola should show her reactions and give reasons for your suggestions

Viola is one of the main characters in Shakespeare's play the ‘Twelfth Night'. She is dressed as Cesario a man, so you can see how hard it must be for her to show her emotions and reactions. In the play she falls in love with the Duke Orsino but finds it very hard to show her feelings for him because she is dressed as a man. I am using act 2 scene 4 and act 3 scene 1, where she is talking to the Duke in act 2 scene 4, and to the clown Feste in act 3 scene 1. These are very emotional scenes where Viola shows and mentions her feelings, thoughts, reactions and movement. In these scenes Viola has many feelings. She feels mostly for Orsino because she is in love him. At the end of the scene where she is speaking with Orsino she talks about her fathers daughter that loved a man. Orsino gets interested because he is in love with Olivia but Olivia does not love him. Orsino wants to know what happened to the daughter because he is in despair. Viola feels for him and can offer him no comfort. Her words display how helpless she feels. â€Å"I am the daughters of my father's house, and all the brothers too-and yet I know not†. Earlier on in the scene Viola feels jealous about Orsino because she feels that he might fall in love with another woman and that he will love that woman as much as he loves Olivia then Viola would never get a chance with him. â€Å"Say that some lady, as perhaps there is, hath for your love as great a pang of heart as you have for Olivia†. Viola's thoughts are like her feelings but not mentioned. She finds it very difficult because she is dressed as man and does not want to give her identity away. When she is talking with Feste the clown, he is acting silly and plays around with words. She says that she is sick for a beard but she turns aside and gives a hint that she is a woman. She says that she would not have it grow on her chin, because she is a lady. â€Å"I am almost sick for one; (aside) though I would not have it grow on my chin. Is thy lady within?† When she is talking with the clown she thinks that he cares for nothing because he plays around with words and she is quite angry with him. Viola is saying her thoughts out to the clown because she does not like him. â€Å"I warrant thou art a merry fellow and carest for nothing†. Viola reacts to some things that the Duke says. She loves the Duke so she reacts to him in a kind way as not to make him angry or hurt his feelings. In act 2 scene 4 Viola says to the Duke that Olivia cannot love him but the Duke acts stubborn and says that he cannot be so answered. Viola reacts and tells him to calm down but she means not to be hurtful because she loves him. She tries to relax him and tells him to calm down. â€Å"Sooth, but you must†. There is very little of Viola's movement. I would say that Viola moved around with Feste the clown because the clown was getting on her nerves. It was in act 3 scene 1 where near the end of the conversation with Feste Viola gives Feste a coin. She moves a round a lot to get away from him because he is pestering her and she wants to get away. She gives the coin to Feste so he can go away. â€Å"I'll no more with thee. Hold, there's expenses for thee†. I think that Shakespeare's language is very difficult to understand. There are mixed emotions in the play because Viola is dressed as a man but some of it was quite obvious to understand. Overall I thought the way Shakespeare set this play out was very well and I thought the scenes were well organised.

Gary Stanley Becker

{draw:frame} THIS ASSIGNMENT IS WRITTEN FOR: PROF. ABDULLA LECTURER’S NAME VAISHNAVI GOPALAKRISHNAN STUDENTS NAME STUDENT ID 00114 MODULE * * : MANAGING ENVIRONMENT TITLE * * : INDIVIDUAL ASSIGNMENT *HAND-OUT-DATE : 06th* SEPTEMBER 2009 LECTURER * * : PROF. ABDULLA HAND-IN-DATE : 09*th* NOVEMBER 2009 MASTER OF BUSINESS ADMINISTRATION COHORT 14 SEM 1 ASSIGNMENT DECLARATION FORM I hereby declare that the attached assignment is my own work and understand that if I am suspected of plagiarism or another form of cheating; my work will be referred to the programmed director who may as a result recommend to the Faculty of business that my enrolment in the programmed be discontinued. SIGNATURE: _ NAME : VAISHNAVI GOPALAKRISHNAN STUDENT NO : 00114 ADDRESS : S1-12-19, SUTRAMAS APARTMENT, PUCHONG. TEL NO : 010- 2740280 SUBJECT : MANAGING ENVIRONMENT DUE DATE : 06th NOVEMBER 2009 LECTURER : PROF. ABDULLA ASSIGNMENT TITLE : INDIVIDUAL ASSIGNMENT DATE SUBMITTED : 09th NOVEMBER 2009 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS* * * I would like to begin this undertaking by thanking GOD, the most glorified, for providing me with all the strength and courage to complete this report successfully and on time. I am also extremely grateful to my ‘Managing Environment’ lecturer, PROF. ABDULLA for his time, patience and guidance throughout the making of this report. TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. 0 BIOGR APHY OF GARY STANLEY BECKER-ECONOMIC NOBLE LAUREATE: {draw:frame} BIRTH OF GARY STANLEY AND HIS EARLY STAGES IN LIFE: Gary Stanley Becker is an American economist and a Nobel laureate. He was born on December 2, 1930 in Pottsville, Pennsylvania. He did his elementary school and high school in Brooklyn. Until age sixteen he was more interested in sports than intellectual activities, but he had to choose one among them and finally decided to choose education, although he was better at sports. BECKER’S FAMILY: His father is a business man. His father had left school in Montreal after the 8th grade because he was eager to make money. His mother also left after the 8th grade because girls were not expected to get much education. He has two sisters, Wendy and Natalie, and one brother, Marvin. He married for the first time in 1954, and has two daughters from that marriage, Judy and Catherine He married for the second time in 1980 to Guity Nashat as his first wife died in 1970. This gave him two stepsons, Michael and Cyrus, to go with two daughters. Guity is the one who overcame his reluctance to do the Business Week columns. She is an historian of the Middle East with professional interests that overlap his own: on the role of women in economic and social life, and the causes of economic growth. The personal and professional compatibility she provided has made his life so much better. ROOT CAUSE OF THE REASON WHY BECKER ENTERED INTO THE ECONOMICS DEPARTMENT: His father encouraged him with political and financial news. After his father lost most of his sight, he had the task of reading him stock quotations and other reports on financial developments. Perhaps that stimulated his interest in economics, although he was rather bored by it. He had many lively discussions in the house about politics and justice. This explains why by the time he finished high school, his interest in mathematics was beginning to compete with a desire to do something useful for society. These two interests came together during his freshman year at Princeton, when he accidentally took a course in economics, and was greatly attracted by the mathematical rigor of a subject that dealt with social organization. HIS ACADEMIC EXCELLENCE: Becker completed his B. A in economics at Princeton University in the year 1953. He took a few extra courses during degree, and he chose reading courses in modern algebra and differential equations. He completed a Ph. D. at The University of Chicago in 1955. HOW THE INVOLVEMENT IN MATHEMETHICS HELPED IN HIS PROFESSION: Till now, his heavy investment in mathematics at Princeton prepared him well for the increasing use of mathematics in economics. He began to lose interest in economics during his senior (third) year because it did not seem to deal with important social problems. He contemplated transferring to sociology, but found that subject too difficult. Fortunately, he decided to go to the University of Chicago for graduate work in economics. HIS WORK WITH MILTON FRIEDMAN: He worked with Milton Friedman in 1951 on microeconomics which was the root cause of the excitement about economics. He came to know that economic theory was not a game played by clever academicians, but was a powerful tool to analyze the real world. His course was filled with insights both into the structure of economic theory and its application to practical and significant questions. That course and subsequent contacts with Friedman had a profound effect on the direction taken by his research. He used many of the economist’s theories in his various branch of research work. BECKER’S ACHIEVEMENTS: He published two articles in 1952, based on his research at Princeton. He published an article in 1957, which was written along with Friedman and a book based on his Ph. D. dissertation. He wrote a book on human capital which was his first research project for the National Bureau of Economic Research. He also wrote frequently cited articles on the allocation of time, crime and punishment, and irrational behavior. He began a workshop at Columbia on labor economics and related subjects. Becker along with George Stigler wrote two influential papers together: a controversial one on the stability of tastes, and an early treatment of the principle-agent problem. He had published a short paper on economics of politics in 1958. In the 1980s he published two articles that developed a theoretical model of the role of special interest groups in the political process. A series of articles in the 1970s culminated in 1981 in A Treatise on the Family, and a greatly expanded edition was published in 1991. Until 1985, he had published only technical books and technical articles in professional journals. He was asked to write a monthly column for Business Week magazine in about 800 words per column without using any technical jargons which interested the business and professional readers of the magazine. BECKER’S HONOURS: He has won the Seidman Award from presidency of the American Economic Association. He has won the first social science Award of Merit from the National Institute of Health. Becker won the John Bates Clark Award of the American Economic Association in 1967 and was president of that association in 1987. He was awarded the Nobel Prize in Economics in 1992 He received the United States' Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2007. HOW DID HE APPLY ECONOMICS TO THE SOCIAL ISSUES? The book which was published in 1957 contains the first systematic effort to use economic theory to analyze the effects of prejudice on the earnings, employment and occupations of minorities. It started him the path of applying economics to social issues, a path that he has continued to follow. The book was very favorably reviewed in a few major journals, but for several years it had no visible impact on anything. Most economists did not think racial discrimination was economics, and sociologists and psychologists generally did not believe he was contributing to their fields. However, Friedman, Lewis, Schultz, and others at Chicago were confident that he had written an important book. The reason for him to continue in economics was the people who supported him with willingness. HIS FIRST STEP IN TO THE PROFESSIONAL LIFE: After his third year of graduate study he became an Assistant Professor at Chicago. He had only few classes of teaching, so he could concentrate mainly on research. However, he felt that he would become more independent if he left the institution and concentrate only on the research. After three years in that position, he withdrew much larger salary from Chicago to take a similar appointment at Columbia combined with one at the National Bureau of Economic Research. For twelve years he divided his time between teaching at Columbia and doing research at the Bureau. HIS EXPERIENCE DURING THE DOCTORATE DEGREE IN CHICAGO UNIVERSITY: The workshop on labor economics and related subjects involved transplanting the workshop system of supervising doctoral research from Chicago – where it originated. After a few years, Jacob Mincer joined the Columbia department and became co-director of the workshop. They had a very exciting atmosphere and attracted most of the best students at Columbia. Both Mincer and Becker were doing research on human capital before this subject was adequately appreciated in the profession at large, and the students found it fascinating. They were also working on the allocation of time, and other subjects in the forefront of research. HIS FOCOUSED AREA OF WORK: Mainly he worked on the family after returning to Chicago. He had much earlier used economic theory to try to understand birth rates and family size. He now began to consider the whole range of family issues: marriage, divorce, altruism toward other members, investments by parents in children, and long term changes in what families do. He has tried not only to understand the determinants of divorce, family size, and the like, but also the effects of changes in family composition and structure on inequality and economic growth. Most of his research on the family, and that by students and faculty at Chicago and elsewhere was presented at the Workshop in Applications of Economics that Sherwin Rosen and Becker run. WAS HIS WORK BEEN RECOGNISED BY OTHER ECONOMISTS? For a long time his type of work was either ignored or strongly disliked by most of the leading economists. He was considered way out and perhaps not really an economist. But younger economists were more sympathetic. They may disagree with his analysis, but accept the kind of problems, studied as perfectly legitimate. HIS SECOND STEP IN TO THE PROFESSIONAL LIFE: In 1983, the Sociology Department at Chicago offered him a joint appointment. He was happy to accept because this was an outstanding department. James Coleman and Becker shortly thereafter began an interdisciplinary faculty seminar on rational choice in the social sciences that has been far more successful than they anticipated. 2. 0 * *BECKER’S CONTRIBUTION TO ECONOMICS: MAJOR APPLICATION OF BECKER’S MODEL TO DIFFERENR TYPES OF HUMAN BEHAVIOUR: Investments in human capital; Behavior of the family (or household), including distribution of work and allocation of time in the family; Crime and punishment; and Discrimination on the markets for labor and goods. INVESTMENTS IN HUMAN CAPITAL: Gary Becker's most noteworthy contribution is perhaps to be found in the area of human capital, i. e. , human competence, and the consequences of investments in human competence. The theory of human capital is considerably older than Becker's work in this field. His foremost achievement is to have formulated and formalized the microeconomic foundations of the theory. In doing so, he has developed the human-capital approach into a general theory for determining the distribution of labor income. The predictions of the theory with respect to the wage structure have been formulated in so-called human-capital- earnings functions, which specify the relation between earnings and human capital. These contributions were first presented in some articles in the early 1960s and were developed further, both theoretically and empirically, in his book, Human Capital, written in 1964. The theory of human capital has created a uniform and generally applicable analytical framework for studying not only the return on education and on-the-job training, but also wages differentials and wage profiles over time. Other important applications, pursued by various economists, include a breakdown into components of the factors underlying economic growth, migration, as well as investments and earnings in the health sector. The human-capital approach also helps explain trade patterns across countries; in fact, differences in the supply of human capital among countries have been shown to have more explanatory power than differences in the supply of real capital. HOUSEHOLD AND FAMILY: Gary Becker has carried out an even more radical extension of the applicability of economic theory in his analysis of relations among individuals outside of the market system. The most notable example is his analysis of the functions of the family. These studies are summarized in his book, A Treatise on the Family, written in 1981. A basic idea in Becker's analysis is that a household can be regarded as a â€Å"small factory† which produces what he calls basic goods, such as meals, a residence, entertainment, etc. , using time and input of ordinary market goods, â€Å"semi-manufactures†, which the household purchases on the market. In this type of analysis, prices of basic goods have two components. st is comprised of the direct costs of purchasing intermediate goods on the market. 2nd is the time expenditure for production and consumption of the good in question for a specific good, Time expenditure ? wages ? time spent per unit of the good produced in the household. This implies that an increase in the wage of one member of the household gives rise not only to changed incentives for work on the market, but also to a shift from more to less time-intensive product on and consumption of goods produced by the household, i. e. , basic goods. Instead of an analysis in terms of the traditional dichotomy between work and leisure, Becker's model provides a general theory for the household's allocation of time, as exemplified in the essay, A Theory of the Allocation of Time, from 1965. This approach has turned out to be a highly useful foundation for examining many different issues associated with household behavior. Becker has gone even further. He has formulated a general theory for behavior of the family – including not only the distribution of work and the allocation of time in the family, but also decisions regarding marriage, divorce and children. As real wages increase, along with the possibilities of substituting capital for labor in housework, labor is released in the household, so that it becomes more and more uneconomical to let one member of the household specialize wholly in household production (for instance, child care). As a result, some of the family's previous social and economic functions are shifted to other institutions such as firms, schools and other public agencies. Becker has argued that these processes explain not only the increase in married women's job participation outside the home, but also the rising tendency toward divorce. Alongside Becker's analysis of the distribution of labor and allocation of time in the household, his most influential contribution in the context of the household and the family is probably his studies on fertility, which were initiated in an essay entitled, An Economic Analysis of Fertility, 1960. Parents are assumed to have preferences regarding both the number and educational level of their children, where the educational level is affected by the amount of time and other resources that parents spend on their children. Investments in children's human capital may then be derived as a function of income and prices. As wages rise, parents increase their investments in human capital, combined with a decrease in the number of children. Becker uses this theory to explain, for example, the historical decline in fertility in industrialized countries, as well as the variations in fertility among different countries and between urban and rural areas. In particular, the highly extensive family policy in Sweden, to which Becker often refers, suggests the merits of an economic approach to the analysis of these issues. Gary Becker's ideas have dominated research in the economics of the family, shaping the tools we use, the questions we ask, and the answers we give. The foundational assumptions of Becker's economic approach to the family — maximizing behavior and equilibrium — as well as such primary auxiliary assumptions as household production and interdependent preferences, are now widely accepted not only by economists but also by family sociologists, demographers, and others who study the family. Yet the interesting and provocative implications of Becker's economic approach to the family do not follow from the foundational assumptions or from the primary auxiliary assumptions. Instead they depend on contested auxiliary assumptions to which neoclassical economics has no commitment and which lack empirical support. CRIME AND PUNISHMENT: The third area where Gary Becker has applied the theory of rational behavior and human capital is â€Å"crime and punishment†. A criminal, with the exception of a limited number of psychopaths, is assumed to react to different stimuli in a predictable (â€Å"rational†) way, both with respect to returns and costs, such as in the form of expected punishment. Instead of regarding criminal activity as irrational behavior associated with the specific psychological and social status of an offender, criminality is analyzed as rational behavior under uncertainty. These ideas are set forth, for example, in Becker's essay, Crime and Punishment: An Economic Approach, 1968, and in Essays in the Economics of Crime and Punishment, 1974. Empirical studies related to this approach indicate that the type of crime committed by a certain group of individuals may to a large extent be explained by an individual's human capital (and hence, education). These empirical studies have also shown that the probability of getting caught has a more deterrent effect on criminality than the term of the punishment. Becker's analysis of time allocation is by no means confined to legal activities; it includes various forms of crime. In a seminal paper (Becker, 1968) it was argued that crime is not an aberration outside the scope of rational analysis, but rather the predictable outcome of opportunities for gain. He argues that a decision to engage in illegal activity is the outcome of an individualistic calculus; benefits and costs (both monetary and non-monetary) are weighed up, and the individual makes a decision which reflects the expected balance of them. One way to conceptualize decisions of this kind is as a rather special kind of investment activity. Many of the crucial decision variables-probability of apprehension and conviction, likely punishment, alternative earnings possibilities in legitimate occupations – are empirically observable, and hence their effect on observed crime rates can in principle be tested. As usual Becker's contribution has mainly been to analyze and suggest possibilities for hypothesis testing, but his graduate students and other interested economists have been quick to pick up the challenge. In the last decade a good deal of evidence has been accumulated to support the plausibility of Becker's contention that criminal behavior responds to changes in costs and benefits. Unusually for Becker, the argument is couched throughout in normative terms. The model of criminal behavior put forward is devised to be used in conjunction with cost functions for law enforcement and a simple social welfare function in order to generate conclusions about the optimal levels of policy variables such as the extent of enforcement, type of punishment and perhaps even what should e a crime. Becker is not, however, arguing for major policy changes. Given the behavioral responses to legal and illegal incentives which he discerns, and given the costs and benefits of enforcement and punishment programs, he suspects that the authorities, at least in the USA, get things roughly right – perhaps a surprising conclusion, given his scepticism of the efficacy of the government action in other spher es. There seem to be two main weaknesses to Becker's arguments. The first is the assumption of social homogeneity implicit in the notion of a social welfare function, when it is widely held (not least among economists) that some groups of the population have greater political power than others, leading to legislation and enforcement patterns which reflect the influence of sectional interests. Secondly, it is difficult not to feel that Becker's enthusiasm for the economic approach does tend at times to run away with him. Although differences in incomes and assets, alternative earnings possibilities, probabilities of conviction and so forth are much more important in determining behavior than they are often given credit for, there are surely variations in attitudes and degrees of honesty which affect the propensity to commit crimes even among individuals facing similar economic circumstances. While Becker would accept this, by implication he regards them as not particularly significant, possibly assuming that such variations in ‘tastes' are randomly distributed. ECONOMIC DISCRIMINATION: Another example of Becker's unconventional application of the theory of rational, optimizing behavior is his analysis of discrimination on the basis of race, sex, etc. This was Becker's first significant research contribution, published in his book entitled, The Economics of Discrimination, 1957. Discrimination is defined as a situation where an economic agent is prepared to incur a cost in order to refrain from an economic transaction, or from entering into an economic contract, with someone who is characterized by traits other than his/her own with respect to race or sex. Becker demonstrates that such behavior, in purely analytical terms, acts as a â€Å"tax wedge† between social and private economic rates of return. The explanation is that the discriminating agent behaves as if the price of the good or service purchased from the discriminated agent were higher than the price actually paid, and the selling price to the discriminated agent is lower than the price actually obtained. Discrimination thus tends to be economically detrimental not only to those who are discriminated against, but also to those who practice discrimination. Although Becker's writings range far and wide; we can trace a logical development and a methodological consistency in his work. The signs are there in his first major publication, The Economics of Discrimination (Becker, 1957, 1971). This monograph, based on his doctoral thesis, appeared when Becker was 27. By his own account, it was ‘greeted with indifference or hostility' by fellow economists. Given the intellectual atmosphere of the mid-1950s this is probably explicable. The book starts from the position that economic inequality between two groups – blacks and whites, women and men or whatever -is not of itself evidence of discrimination in a market economy. In such an economy, variations in earnings, for instance, can be expected to occur between individuals or groups on a systematic basis, reflecting variations in marginal productivity and hours worked. What is needed is to separate out differentials due to variations in such factors as education, skills and job experience, in order to leave a residual due to ‘pure' discrimination, Becker's primary concern. To this end, Becker defines a ‘market discrimination coefficient', Which in principle would measure the extent of this residual? What Becker is attempting to show is that ‘pure' discrimination is simply a special kind of taste which, like the taste for apples or (Becker's pre-Women's Lib example) Hollywood actresses, can be analyzed in economic terms. As with these other commodities, ‘pure' discrimination's consumption is conditional upon variables such as income and price. The – highly controversial – point that Becker is making is that discrimination in this sense is not, as is usually assumed, a means of raising the discriminator's money income, but actually imposes costs on the discriminator as well as the party discriminated against. Where discrimination exists, then, the discriminator is evidently willing to pay these costs in exchange for the benefit of indulging a taste. The argument rests on a clever analogy with international trade. Suppose there are two economies, Whiteland and Backland, which initially do not engage in trade. Within each country, however, perfect competition is the rule. This means, as the neoclassical textbooks tell us, that the incomes of owners of factors of production will reflect relative factor scarcities. Thus in Whiteland, where labor is assumed to be scarce and capital abundant, wages will be relatively high and rates of profit will be relatively low. By contrast, Backland (where labor is abundant and capital scarce) is characterized by low wages and high rates of profit. If trade and factor mobility are now permitted, theory predicts that labor and capital movements will occur, so that the long-run result is that profit rates and wage rates will each be equalized in the two economies. As a result of resources moving from areas where their marginal productivity is low to those where it is high, total ‘world’ output is increased. The analogy is obvious, and the conclusion important: just as both of these ‘countries' can in principle gain from trade and mobility, so can both blacks and whites in an economy gain from the absence of discrimination, which in this context seems equivalent to some form of trade barrier, 3 or, to put it differently, both blacks and white can lose from discrimination. Lack of space precludes the detailed examination of the implications of Becker's argument, and indeed of the many objections which have been raised to it. Most of these objections have centered on the assumption of perfect competition in his model: if such a condition is dropped, optimal tariff theory suggests that in some cases discrimination (while reducing total output) could increase the income of the discriminating group, which would undermine Becker's whole analysis. Becker, however, is clearly aware of this criticism, and it is instructive to see why he must reject it. He believes that so pervasive a phenomenon as discrimination cannot be adequately explained by market imperfections – for market imperfections, most Chicago economists agree, disappear in the long run. In Becker's first important publication, two central features of his work: the insistence on using given preferences, costs and incomes to define a situation where individuals make decisions, and the concern with long-run equilibrium. THE ECONOMIST AS EMPIRE-BUILDER: Few contemporary economists have done as much to extend the generality and range of economic theorizing as Professor Gary S. Becker of the University of Chicago. With the exception of one or two papers written as a graduate student, all Becker's publications have applied economic reasoning to aspects of human behavior which have usually been classified as outside the scope of economics, at least since the discipline started to give itself scientific airs in the latter years of the nineteenth century. These scientific pretensions were associated with the introduction of mathematical techniques from the fields of physics and mechanics, often by professionals trained in those disciplines; many economists then, and not a few since, resented the intrusion of these alien elements. Similarly, Becker's intrepid expeditions into the jealously-guarded territories of sociology, political science, demography, criminology and biology have encountered considerable resistance. While it is too early to forecast the ultimate outcome of these imperialistic excursions, the increasing numbers of economists eager to join Becker in search of plunder have already forced some of the initially-scandalized natives to come to a modus Vivendi with the intruding barbarians. Areas for co-operation rather than conflict are earnestly being sought, as we shall note later. FERTILITY: Becker's next important foray into sociological country was to be a paper on the economics of fertility written for the National Bureau of Economic Research (1960b). Although political economy was once closely involved with demography (witness Malthus's famous essay), for much of this century the study of population was firmly in the hands of sociologists and un-theoretical number-crunchers. A few tentative attempts had been made to relate birth rates to economic variables, but Becker's paper went way beyond this. Here the decision to have children is firmly incorporated within the familiar framework of neoclassical economics. More particularly, Becker adopts the startling and controversial position that children are in important respects analogous to consumer durables such as automobiles, TV sets and dishwashers; thus the economic theory which has proved fruitful in relation to these commodities can be applied equally to human beings. He argues that, at least under modern conditions, the raising of children involves a net cost to their parents. Yet people do continue to have children, despite the availability of effective contraception. Thus if people choose to have children it is because they obtain sufficient utility to compensate for the costs involved. These costs include such obvious things as food, clothing and schooling. Perhaps more importantly, however, they also include costs in terms of parental time, a scarce commodity which has alternative uses. Indeed, if one alternative is to use this time in the labor market, a value (its ‘opportunity cost' in the jargon) can be put on it which will indicate that a very large proportion of the total costs of childrearing is accounted for by parental time. The existence of these net costs indicates that children are some form of consumer good; their spread over time indicates we are dealing with a consumer durable. They therefore have to compete with other consumer durables for a limited share of the household budget: more children means less hi-fi equipment or a smaller car. Once this rather bizarre comparison is admitted, it opens up the likelihood that decisions to have children will be affected by such variables as their ‘price' (in terms of alternatives foregone) and the size of the household budget. As we have indicated, Becker accepts Friedman's view that the usefulness of a hypothesis depends on its ability to explain or predict. So how does Becker's approach fare in this respect? Straightaway we are confronted with a problem. Broadly speaking, the demand for consumer durables tends to rise with income; on Becker's reasoning we might expect the demand for children to follow a similar pattern. Yet there is much evidence to suggest that family size declines with income. How does Becker handle this apparent refutation of his approach? Are babies’ inferior goods? One argument Becker offers in order to resolve this difficulty is interesting in the light of his later work. This is the argument that the cost of rearing children tends to rise with family income, largely as a result of the higher opportunity cost of parental time. At any particular moment better-off families tend to be better educated and thus to have greater earning power; over time, all earnings tend to rise as income rises. The argument can be illustrated diagrammatically. In Figure 1, an increase in income-illustrated by a parallel outward shift of the budget constraint -leads to increases in the ‘consumption' of both competing consumer durables and babies, if the relative price of these commodities remains constant. At the point of tangency between a new (higher) indifference curve and the new budget constraint, more babies (B2) are chosen. If, however, the increased income results largely from higher wages paid to family members (a highly plausible assumption), this will raise the opportunity cost of time spent on rearing children, and thus increase their relative price. The budget constraint pivots, as in Figure 2, and the new preferred combination of babies and other consumer durables may involve a smaller desired family size. draw:frame} It is ingenious, if not altogether convincing There is a suspicion that evidence Becker uses to support his arguments is highly selective, and moreover some of the generalizations he makes are amenable to alternative interpretations: for instance the observed inverse relation between education and family size could have nothing to do with the opportunity cost of parental time, but a lot to do with the different values and attitudes education might be expecte d to inculcate. However Becker's approach is more plausible in relation to short-term variations in fertility; economic factors seem far more significant here than ad hoc changes of tastes. In his approach empirical generalizations are linked to a broader theoretical framework; this is why, like it or not, it has stimulated so much further work in this field. THE ALLOCATION OF TIME: We have seen something of the emphasis which Becker places on the value of time in his analysis of economic behavior. This concern led to an important article which generalized the question of time allocation and simultaneously provided a basis for the reformulation of standard Consumer theory (Becker 1965). Before Becker, the established way to deal with time in the context of consumer theory was to concentrate on a simple dichotomy between work and leisure. Work meant paid work in the labor market, by means of which individuals were able to obtain market-produced goods and services, which were the objectives of economic activity. In this context, leisure clearly has an opportunity cost, the goods and services foregone by not working. If individuals choose not to work all the hours they could, this must be because leisure itself is a ‘good', some of which is consumed in preference to other goods. Thus leisure can be incorporated into standard analysis very easily, and from the time spent on leisure, we can deduce its complement, the time spent working. Thus the supply of labor is linked to the demand for goods. Becker however takes the view that time has more than two uses. Certainly, as in the traditional approach, time can be used in the labor market. It can also, however, be used in many types of non-paid work (housework, do-it-yourself etc. . Furthermore all consumption takes time too. He suggests therefore that we abandon leisure as a separate category: all ‘leisure' involves some ‘consumption' and all ‘consumption' involves some ‘leisure'. Instead of a choice between consumer goods and leisure, the relevant choice is taken to be that between various ‘consumption activities ' which use different combinations of market-produced goods and services (which have to be purchased with funds largely acquired through the sale of labor time in the market) and time spent in â€Å"household production†. Becker argues that instead of a choice between paid work and leisure we should analyze a choice between ‘high time' activities (like a home-prepared meal) and ‘low time' activities (like the purchase and consumption of a hamburger). The choice set is ultimately constrained by the limited time we have available, and the productivity of this time in its various uses. If all our available time were to be allocated to paid work, the value of the time in this use is termed (on Friedman's suggestion) ‘full income'. Some of the ‘full income', however, will normally be used for consumption and domestic production, using as complementary inputs in the domestic production process goods which are purchased with the proceeds of paid work. All the predictions obtained from the standard theory can be obtained in this framework as well; for instance changes in the wage rate alter the slope of the full income budget constraint, while increases in non-work income shift the constraint outwards – in each case we would expect the allocation of time to be affected whether we apply the Becker analysis or the traditional approach. But in addition Becker's method allows further influences to be incorporated. Thus a change in the technology of household production – the development of labor-saving gadgets -economizes on time spent in domestic work. People buy more gadgets and ‘spend' less time on housework; the gadgets can of course be purchased by ‘spending' some of the time saved working in the labor market. The relevance of this analysis to such phenomena as the rising labor-force participation of married women should be clear. Similarly transport improvements economize on time and can be expected to affect labor supply. The approach also has the incidental benefit of providing a theoretical basis for the classification of goods as substitutes or complements: when goods are no longer seen as the final sources of utility but rather as inputs in a household production process, it is rather easier to see why the consumption of certain commodities is linked. {draw:frame} Figure 2: The ends-means spectrum reflected by Becker’s work Becker’s theory of time and consumption does establish new theory, in that it proposes an alternate model to the then-accepted economic model of consumption (Becker proposes consumption be treated as a form of production). In this regard, Becker breaks the ground for new theory. MARRIAGE: Another of Becker's path breaking ventures is his development of an economic theory of marriage (1973, 1974), part of a growing literature on the economics of the family stimulated by his work and that of Theodore Schultz-on fertility and human capital. Once Becker's method is understood, the relevance of his approach to the institution of marriage becomes apparent. Here is a major and persistent phenomenon with ramifications in every economy. Whatever the precise legal arrangements, the majority of adult humans have ‘married' throughout recorded history. Individuals (or their parents in some cultures) choose amongst competing potential spouses in an attempt to maximize utility, measured in Becker's terms by the consumption of household-produced commodities of the kind discussed earlier. The ubiquity of marriage suggests to Becker that male and female labor is complementary in certain types of household production, notably the rearing of the partners’ own children. An individual marries when the expected gain from a partnership exceeds the expected cost of marriage in terms of the alternatives foregone (staying single or marrying the next best alternative spouse). Because of imperfect information, individuals engage in search. This is costly, and therefore individuals may eventually settle for spouses with less than ideal characteristics. Or they may engage in bargaining to achieve compensatory concessions; these may include sums of money (dowries etc. ) or behavioral commitments (promises to give up fishing). In Becker's view, however, there is sufficient freedom of choice and sufficient information to ensure an equilibrium where there is a Pareto-optimal sorting of partners (any rearrangement of couples could only increase some individuals' utility at the cost of reducing that of other individuals). The use of the household production approach as an analytical framework may seem simply an economist's joke, an intellectual game; certainly some of its conclusions seem banal. But it does throw up interesting predictions which other methodologies do not. For instance the approach predicts that gains from marriage-and therefore, presumably, the probability of marriage -will be greater for couples between whom there is a considerable variation in earning power, basically because there are greater ‘gains from trade' within such a marriage if one partner specializes in paid work and the other in household production. The analysis is developed further to incorporate non-selfish motives for entering marriage. ‘Caring' for the partner is introduced: in the model this means that the individual's utility function includes the partner's consumption as well as his or her own. This is shown to affect the allocation of output produced by the marriage and increase the potential gains from it. The analysis is also linked to earlier work Becker produced on charity and social interaction. Again the model is not tested in a systematic way and we occasionally get the impression that the anecdotal ‘evidence' adduced is of slight value. However Becker has produced another paper which tests some of the ancillary predictions of the theory with reference to data on marital instability. For instance, the approach suggests that major changes in the variables on which potential spouses make their decisions to marry will make them reconsider their decisions; if divorce is cheap, marital dissolution may follow. This appears to be the case. For example, where earnings are unexpectedly higher or lower than originally anticipated, the probability of divorce increases. The amount of time spent in search is also related to marital instability; those marrying young, on the basis of limited information about the characteristics of their partner and available alternatives are particularly liable to divorce. There is, then, something to be said for the approach. While it cannot explain all aspects of marriage, it does at least suggest that human mating behavior is less tightly constrained by biological and institutional factors than is often suggested. THE METHODOLOGY: From the material surveyed so far it is possible to infer the common elements of Becker's methodological program. He has however provided us with an essay (Becker, 1976b) which spells out his approach and offers a vigorous defense of it. In his view, his method is applicable to all human behavior; its core is ‘the combined assumptions of maximizing behavior, market equilibrium and stable preferences, used relentlessly and unflinchingly' (Becker, 1976b, p. 5). Consider these assumptions in turn. MAXIMISATION: The individual, we have seen, is assumed to maximize utility subject to a budget constraint which, although taking a different form to the traditional one, is nevertheless closely related to it -indeed, subsumes it as a special case. It is important to note that this is not necessarily ‘rationality' in the everyday sense of the term: it is not necessarily self-interest, nor are the sources of utility necessarily market goods and services. Becker has suggested that social distinction can be a source of utility, and he has gone so far as to claim (Becker, 1962) that even apparently random behavior by individuals can lead to the basic prediction of downward-sloping demand curve which is at the heart of economic reasoning. Behind the maximizing impulse, Becker has suggested, there ultimately lies the principle of natural selection. In a paper (Becker, 1976a) concerned with the origins of altruism he has expressed approval of the new science of sociobiology, arguing that a synthesis of economic reasoning and natural selection can explain the dominance of maximizing behavior. He also suggests that the basic tastes which determine preference patterns can be attributed to natural selection. The principle of maximization must be maintained as a central analytical device. ‘When an apparently profitable opportunity †¦ is not exploited' we should not ‘take refuge in assertions about irrationality, contentment †¦ r convenient ad hoc shifts in values' (Becker, 1976b, p. 7). Instead we should look for hidden costs -such as transaction costs, or costs of acquiring information-which render such opportunities unprofitable. This seems dangerously close to tautology, but the test, as good Chicago economists always tell us, is the predictive power of the hypotheses generated and Becker is optimistic on thi s score. _MARKET EQUILIBIRIUM: _we have already seen the importance of this in Becker's approach. Even where explicit markets do not exist-as in the case of marriage – Becker insists that we operate on Chicago ‘as if principles. Note that Becker's approach throughout is to use partial equilibrium analysis. He has written with approval of Marshall's development of this apparatus for taking one problem at a time for analysis. This is revealing when we consider his usual reluctance to enter the arena of normative economics. The tradition of general equilibrium analysis instigated by Walras is associated with the normative position that unfettered competitive capitalism tends to produce an optimal allocation of resources. To do this it paints a grossly oversimplified picture of an economy without any of the subtleties of Becker's approach. Once we admit Becker's contention that preferences are based on home-produced commodities which are not sold in a market of the normal kind, it is less obvious that the traditional prescription of generalized laissez-faire is the appropriate one. The implications of Becker's approach for general equilibrium remain to be determined. STABLE-PREFERENCES: We have seen how fixed ‘tastes' play an important role in Becker's analysis. Such tastes are tastes for consumption activities rather than goods themselves, however, and this is a considerable step forward from the traditional view. Becker has, though, gone further than this, and in a paper written with George Stigler (Becker and Stigler, 1977) has tentatively sketched a theory of taste formation. As already suggested, some basic ‘tastes' are probably biologically determined, but the behavioral form they take in a complex society needs further explanation. Becker and Stigler introduce an interesting model where tastes are learnt by exposure to new xperiences – a special form of ‘learning by doing'. Individuals repeatedly exposed to a stimulus acquire, as it were, ‘consumption capital', a body of knowledge and attitudes which raises the ‘marginal productivity' of consumption of the good in question, thus increasing demand for it. Within this framework the success of advertising can be rationalized and some kind of explanation can be offered for the increasing stability of tastes as people get older -they are ‘locked into' their accumulated consumption capital, and their reduced ‘pay-off period' (life expectancy) discourages further ‘investment'. Again, this is all rather fanciful, but it illustrates once more the tenacity of Becker's commitment to the economic approach and his refusal to concede that economics might not have anything to say about some social phenomenon. ROTTEN KID THEOREM: Gary Becker’s rotten kid theorem suggests that family members, even if they are selfish, will act to help one another if their financial incentives are properly linked. Gary Stanley Becker (born December 2, 1930) is an American economist. †¦ Becker creates a hypothetical situation in which children will receive gifts of money income from a wealthy, altruistic parent in order to make them happy. One of the kids is a selfish, â€Å"rotten† kid who would take pleasure in harming his sibling. The theorem posits that the rotten kid has an incentive to avoid hurting his sibling, and will in fact behave in such a way as to increase her happiness, because her happiness has a direct effect on the amount of money he will receive. Without creating any formal incentive structure, the altruistic parent can induce the rotten child to behave benevolently by making his welfare contingent upon the welfare of his sibling. Altruism is alternately a belief, a practice, a habit, or an ethical doctrine. †¦ The theorem suggests that parents should delay gifts of money to their children until they are older, or possibly until after they die. If parents plan to will their children money in accordance with their needs, each child will have an incentive to help his siblings maximize their income, because higher earnings by the other siblings will mean that more of the money will be given to the rotten sibling. ORGAN MARKETS: An article by Gary Becker and Julio Elias on â€Å"Introducing Incentives in the market for Live and Cadaveric Organ Donations† said that a free market could help solve the problem of a scarcity in organ transplants. Their economic modeling was able to estimate the price tag for human kidneys ($15,000) and human livers ($32,000). It is argued by critics, that this particular market would exploit the underprivileged donors from the developing world. This view was endorsed by the National Kidney Foundation in a testimony to the US Congress where Dr Francis Delmonico argued that â€Å"†¦ a US congressional endorsement for payment would propel other countries to sanction unethical and unjust standards†¦ Another concern is that, if a market for organ donations were introduced, then organs would oftentimes go to the patients most able to afford them, rather than patients who may have more need for them medically. POLITICAL VIEWS: Successful social economy organizations can play an important role in helping deliver many key governmental policy objectives by: helping to drive up productivity and competitiveness; contributing to socially inclusive wealth creation; enabling individuals and commu nities to work towards regenerating their local neighborhoods; showing new ways to deliver public services; and Helping to develop an inclusive society and active citizenship. CONTROVERSY: The horizontal axis: On the horizontal axis each enterprise / organization is categorized by its ownership. On the left side the ownership lies with the public authorities whereas on the right side the ownership lies with private people. So the distinctive feature is the ownership of the enterprise. Is it private? Def. : The term â€Å"private industry† contains all economic activity that deals with the capital of one or many private owners with a view to making profits. The capital owners bear the risk. Or is it public? Def. The term â€Å"public authorities† contains all economic activity where the public authorities possess the capital on either European, federal, regional or local level. That includes all nationalized and public industries. The vertical axis On the vertical axis, each enterprise / organization is categorized by the primary objective of the enterprise. The dimensions range b etween social purpose on the top and commercial purpose at the bottom of the axis. On the vertical axis an organization reaches the top, i. e. the social purpose is the primary objective of the enterprise, if you fulfill the following criteria: A Ethical concept** core definition for enterprises / organizations of the social economy) This core definition is the ideal of an enterprise / organization. Only these enterprises / organizations belong to the social economy whose ideal is a clearly defined ethical concept. B Mission The primary objective of the enterprise is the improvement of the life situation and the chances of disadvantaged people as well as social cohesion and support. C Social economic creation of value and appropriation of earnings the profits and the resources are verifiably reinvested for the benefit of disadvantaged people. If the criteria A, B and C are totally fulfilled, an organization can locate itself on top of the vertical axis. There is one last criterion which is not definitional but a describing feature: D Intermediary function Social economical enterprises / organizations have an intermediary function between public and private. If none of the criteria above is fulfilled or the primary object of the enterprise is the commercial purpose then an enterprise / organization is located on the bottom of the vertical axis. Location between social and commercial purpose If the criteria above are only partly fulfilled the enterprise is located between the top and the bottom of the vertical axis according to its self-definition. 3. 0 EFFECT OF GARY BECKER’S CONTRIBUTION TO THE PAST AND CURRENT WORLD ECONOMY: An important step in extending the traditional analysis of individual rational choice is to incorporate into the theory a much richer class of attitudes, preferences, and calculations. This step is prominent in all the examples that Gary Becker consider. The analysis of discrimination includes in preferences a dislike of – prejudice against – members of particular groups, such as blacks or women. In deciding whether to engage in illegal activities, potential criminals are assumed to act as if they consider both the gains and the risks – including the likelihood they will be caught and severity of punishments. In human capital theory, people rationally evaluate the benefits and costs of activities, such as education, training, and expenditures on health, migration, and formation of habits that radically alter the way they are. The economic approach to the family assumes that even intimate decisions like marriage, divorce, and family size are reached through weighing the advantages and disadvantages of alternative actions. The weights are determined by preferences that critically depend on the altruism and feelings of duty and obligation toward family members. Since the economic, or rational choice, approach to behavior builds on a theory of individual decisions, criticisms of this theory usually concentrate on particular assumptions about how these decisions are made. Among other things, critics deny that individuals act consistently over time and question whether behavior is forward-looking, particularly in situations that 52 Economic Sciences 1992 differ significantly from those usually considered by economists – such as those involving criminal, addictive, family, or political behavior. This is not the place to go into a detailed response to the criticisms, so Gary Becker simply assert that no approach of comparable generality has yet been developed that offers serious competition to rational choice theory. While the economic approach to behavior builds on a theory of individual choice, it is not mainly concerned with individuals. It uses theory at the micro level as a powerful tool to derive implications at the group or macro level. Rational individual choice is combined with assumptions about technologies and other determinants of opportunities, equilibrium in market and nonmarket situations, and laws, norms, and traditions to obtain results concerning the behavior of groups. It is mainly because the theory derives implications at the macro level that it is of interest to policymakers and those studying differences among countries and cultures. None of the theories considered in Gary Becker’s lecture aims for the greatest generality; instead, each tries to derive concrete mplications about behavior that can be tested with survey and other data. Disputes over whether punishments deter crime, whether the lower earnings of women compared to men are mainly due to discrimination or lesser human capital, or whether no-fault divorce laws increase divorce rates all raise questions about the empirical relevance of predictions derived from a theory based on individual rationality. A close relation between theory a nd empirical testing helps prevent both the theoretical analysis and the empirical research from becoming sterile. Empirically oriented theories encourage the development of new sources and types of data, the way human capital theory stimulated the use of survey data, especially panels. At the same time, puzzling empirical results force changes in theory, as models of altruism and family preferences have been enriched to cope with the finding that parents in Western countries tend to bequeath equal amounts to different children. Gary Becker has been impressed by how many economists want to work on social issues rather than issues forming the traditional core of economics. At the same time, specialists from fields that do consider social questions are often attracted to the economic way of modeling behavior because of the analytical power provided by the assumption of individual rationality. Thriving schools of rational choice theorists and empirical researchers are active in sociology, law, political science, history, anthropology, and psychology. The rational choice model provides the most promising basis presently available for a unified approach to the analysis of the social world by scholars from the social sciences. Becker's economic approach to the family is often believed to imply that certain types of targeted government policies cannot affect allocation within families because they will be fully neutralized by individuals' responses. For example, the altruist model and the Rotten Kid Theorem imply that which parent receives the child benefit must be irrelevant. But I would like to argue earlier that the interesting implications of the economic approach to the family do not follow from maximizing behavior and equilibrium, the foundational assumptions of the economic approach, but depend on contested auxiliary assumptions. For example, the conclusion that parents will neutralize the child benefit depends on the assumption that family collective choice is determined by the altruist model and that preferences exhibit transferrable utility. Whether these auxiliary assumptions are described as primary, secondary, or tertiary, is a matter of taste. Becker's influence on welfare reform and other specific policies is difficult to assess. In the final paragraph of the General Theory, Keynes famously asserted that, in the long run, ideas are more important than vested interests in public policy: †¦ he ideas of economists and political philosophers, both when they are right and When they are wrong, are more powerful than is commonly understood. Indeed, the World is ruled by little else. Practical men, who believe themselves to be quite exempt From any intellectual influences, are usually the slaves of some defunct economist? Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from s ome academic scribbler of a few years back. Becker's influence on the economics of the family has been pervasive. His ideas have dominated research in the economics of the family, shaping the tools we use, the questions we ask, and the answers we give. I can testify to their influence on my own thinking, work, and career. The foundational assumptions of the economic approach –maximizing behavior and equilibrium — as well as such primary auxiliary assumptions as household production and interdependent preferences are now widely accepted not only by economists but also by family sociologists, demographers, and others who study the family. Some of the differences between Becker's original vision and the current state of the economics of the family reflect the evolution of Becker's ideas, sometimes in response to his critics. Other differences reflect ongoing and often vigorous debate. For example, Becker jettisoned stable preferences, which he originally presented as a foundational assumption and dropped his insistence on deferential preferences (â€Å"altruism†), acknowledging the importance of merit goods. With household production, the basic concept is now generally accepted but the secondary and tertiary auxiliary assumptions about household technology are contested. More specifically, Becker's formulation of the household production model assumes the absence of joint production, and some of his most striking conclusions depend on this assumption, yet joint production is present whenever individuals care how they spend their time. No one can predict with confidence the irection the economics of the family will take over the next twenty-five or fifty years. After all, economists took nearly two centuries to unpack Adam Smith's contributions and establish the conditions under which the conclusions of the invisible hand theorem hold. Perhaps economists unpacking Becker's contributions will move more quickly. Those who complete the task will surely honor Gary Becker for laying the foundations of the economic approach to the family. Organ market view was endorsed by the National Kidney Foundation in a testimony to the US Congress where Dr Francis Delmonico argued that â€Å"†¦ a US congressional endorsement for payment would propel other countries to sanction unethical and unjust standards†¦ † Another concern is that, if a market for organ donations were introduced, then organs would oftentimes go to the patients most able to afford them, rather than patients who may have more need for them medically. REFERENCES: http://en. ikipedia. org/wiki/Gary_Becker http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Social_economics http://www. google. com. my/search? hl=en&source=hp&q=rotten+kid+theorem&meta=&aq=0&oq=rotten+kid+ https://netfiles. uiuc. edu/chnelson/www/teaching/ace501/rottenkid07. pdf http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Nobel_Prize_in_Economics http://en. wikipedia. org/wiki/Human_capital http://home. uchicago. edu/~gbecker/Nobel/nobel. html http://www. faqs. org/abstracts/Economics/Risks-and-rewards-Gary-Beckers- contributions-to-economics. tml http://nobelprize. org/nobel_prizes/economics/laureates/1992/index. html http://ideas. repec. org/e/pbe29. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-economist. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-discrimination. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-fertility. html http://www. economictheories. org/2008/08/gray-stanley-becker-allocation-of-time. html

Managing People for a Competitive Advantage Essay

Managing People for a Competitive Advantage - Essay Example The human resource function seeks to improve the performance of the workforce without having to hire new people for the job placements available. These managers can improve the performance of their workforce by demanding that the team members deliver more. c.Talent effective strained by new realities Interdependence has tremendously influenced how work is done within an organization as many opt to collaborate for the good of the business and the achievement of organizational goals. Collaboration makes the job of managing the workforce to be easy as they work towards the achievement of effective processes. Additionally, the performance of one employee tends to affect the performance of his/her peers making it important for managers to influence them to put in more effort. Interactions are also necessary when it comes to getting the job done as employees need each other for them to complete their tasks. d. A new Convergence of talent and business management The workplace has continued to change over the years while the talent has also been challenging, making it needful to collaborate talent management to ease the complex situation. Employees have to align themselves with the visions of the managers so as to be relevant to the business and its practice. 2. Four generations of people The silents- these are individuals born between 1925 and 1946. They are loyal, dedicated and risk-averse as their values are influenced by the fact that that they were present during the Great Depression and World War II.

Resource-Based View of the Firm to Strategic Management Essay

Resource-Based View of the Firm to Strategic Management - Essay Example The Resource-based strategy can develop strategic capability. The strategic goal will be to "create firms which are more intelligent and flexible than their competitors" (Grant 116) by hiring and developing more talented staff and by extending their skills base. Using this approach to strategic management, international companies gain competitive advantage by conceiving new ways of conducting activities, introducing new methods, technologies, inputs or channels of distribution. A convincing rationale for resource-based strategy for the global environment has been produced by Grant: "When the external environment is in a state of flux, the firm's own resources and capabilities may be a much more stable basis on which to define its identity" (Grant, 115). In line with intellectual capital theory, resource-based theory emphasizes that investment in people adds to their value to the companies of any sector. According to Campbell (1997) the goals of the resource-based view is to improve resource capability - achieving st

Pantheon Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Pantheon - Essay Example It was thought that this inscription referred to the present temple, but Agrippa's temple was destroyed and then restored several times by Domitian and Trajan. It was fully reconstructed by Hadrian around 125 A.D., but he preserved Agrippa's inscription. This new Pantheon has been attributed to the architect Apollodorus of Damascus, one of the most famous architects of the Ancient world. The Greek influences we can appreciate in the portico (very similar to the pronaos of the Greek temples) are due to the great admiration Hadrian felt for Greek culture. After the portico, we find a big circular cella or rotunda, covered with a semispherical dome with an oculus opened to the sky. The portico and the rotunda are linked by a polygonal structure. The dome rests on a cylindrical drum and it is decorated with coffers, which were designed to reduce the weight of the dome; it is the world's largest concrete dome. The walls of the temple have the same height as the radius of the dome and the total height is equal to the diameter, so a perfect imaginary sphere can be inscribed in the interior of the Pantheon. The structure of the Pantheon is very different from the conventional structure of the roman temples, which was very influenced by the preceding Etruscan and Greek models, so when it was built it represented an important innovation. Although we can find examples of domes resting in a cylindrical drum in some previous buildings, like the thermal baths of Agrippa or Caracalla, the dome of the Pantheon is the first one built with such big dimensions. The materials used in the Pantheon were also very innovative; the concrete applied to the construction of the dome and the marble, used in the floor, which was a symbol of magnificence and splendor. Agrippa's temple was smaller than the present temple and it was facing to the south (the actual Pantheon is facing to the north). It seems that the structure was very similar to the actual temple, and it was based in the architectural principles of Vitruvius. In the pronaos, now decorated with Corinthian columns, were erected the statues of Augusto and Agrippa as the promoters of the temple, so what people saw at first sight were the figures of the Emperors, as the developers of this magnificent architectural work. The geometry of the Pantheon has a deep symbolic meaning. According to the plane geometry and Vitruvius' ideas, the squared Greek portico represents the Earth and the circular rotunda the Heaven. The rotunda and the dome are linked by an octagon, by which the squaring of the circle is achieved; this will mean the indestructible union between matter and spirit. In the floor we can also find geometrical drawings of circles inscribed inside squares. Furthermore, the lower part of the drum's wall is drilled with niches, suggesting a continuity in the unlimited space. The columns that support these niches have been constructed as if they were not supporting the dome, so it seems to be floating in the air. The dome represents the vault of heaven and each of the five levels of coffers represents the five concentric spheres of the Ancient planetary system. The central oculus, which illuminates the interior of the temple, symbolizes the

A Research Proposal on Dementia Intervention Effectiveness Essay

A Research Proposal on Dementia Intervention Effectiveness - Essay Example 17 billion per year which can  increase  up to ?50 billion per year as dementia cases also  increase  (Comas-Herrera et al., 2007). The medical and economic costs of dementia can potentially  intensify  without  identification  of  effective  solutions. The social and  psychological  costs of its patients and families are also at stake. Dementia damages functions of memory, reasoning, communication skills and skills necessary for daily activities (Banerjee and Wittenberg 2009). It changes the  mood, behaviour and  personality  of the affected person resulting to depressive tendencies (Kenny 2011). However, the difficulty is that these symptoms progress slowly over time and, therefore, not easily recognized. No cure  has been found  yet for dementia and effective treatment that can reduce the  chance  of having one (Dementia Services Development Centre 2009). Recent dementia research  has been focused  on its early detection and prediction ofà ‚  occurrence  on potential disease carriers. For example, researchers had a breakthrough on how Alzheimer’s disease, a form of dementia, can be diagnosed. ... indicators that can help  detect  the  likelihood  of  dementia  to  occur  in a person and even the actual diagnosis when a person already has the  disease. Objectives of the Research The information available to us now about dementia leaves us to intervention strategies that can be implemented in the early detection of the disease. Although it is worthwhile to  know  how dementia can be avoided, research has yet to be done to ascertain these facts. We  are left  to determining patterns among dementia patients that can be used to manage dementia prevalence. A  clear  example is the  identification  of risk factors for cardio vascular diseases (Kenny 2011). Effective intervention programmes are, therefore,  critical  in  management  of dementia patients. Identification of appropriate steps that can  promote  mental  recovery  and positive attitude by dementia patients could be the best solution. The solution should be on how we can  address  the challenge posed by dementia in the society today. This research aims to: 1. Identify the existing dementia intervention programmes implemented within the United Kingdom according to  literature  and  survey  among dementia clinics. 2. Assess the effectiveness of the intervention programmes  available  within UK clinics according to response of dementia patients. 3. Propose an effective intervention programme directed to UK dementia patients, using information from both literature and  survey. Research Questions This research intends to answer the following questions about the effectiveness of dementia interventions  available  within UK. 1. What are the existing dementia intervention programmes currently implemented within the last 20 years in UK? What are the recent discoveries about the  disease  and actions relating to

My Teaching Philosophy Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

My Teaching Philosophy - Assignment Example Only when I recognize my limitations will I be able to work a way towards overcoming them and becoming a better teacher. This way, I will also be passing the message along to my students that when they recognize their own limitations, it is only then that they can start actual learning. For this purpose, I will hold class discussions as well as set up tasks that challenge not only the students but for me as well so that together we can start walking towards the path of self-enlightenment, of sorts, where we finally become excellent receptacles of knowledge. To foster a learning environment, I think, I do not need to merely stick to the curriculum as a system of rote in their classroom, but rather I should come up with new and innovative ways in which the students learn their curriculum through novel and new ways, which capture their imagination and make them eager to participate in what is going on. There are, I feel, many students who are held behind, not because they are unintelligent, but because they are not moved by the typical and traditional methods of teaching. By infusing the classroom with some innovative techniques of teaching, I feel I will be able to draw in the â€Å"bored† sector of the classroom as well, thus making it easier for everyone to learn by participation and taking an interest. This would imply that I do not pin-up unrealistic or idealistic hopes about my own teaching capabilities as well as the learning capabilities of my students. I should not only be realistic about the results and outcomes of my teaching techniques and capabilities but should also keep in mind that the students, at their young age, have much more to cope with in their lives and studies are not always their first priority.

Tourism Law Case Study Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words - 1

Tourism Law - Case Study Example In short, Kate from the case had to be compensated for the damages the breweries caused her. In cases that entail breech of a company’s contract to ensure its products are to the expected standards is usually an offence. In this case, Kate even after suing the company would not be compensated since her friend also took the drink and did not get sick2. This case is similar to the case Donoghue and Stevenson. In this case, Donoghue had been served a ginger beer that contained snail in it3. In Bethany Cafà ©, he drank it a he later was reported to have become really seek to the extent of getting into shock. Donoghue after recovery from the hosp sued the manufacturer in Paisley, David Stevenson for damage fee worth 500 Euros4. In the case, Donoghue did not receive his compensation since at that time; the ginger beer was well named and the beer did not harm his friend which had ordered the drink for him. This case bears resemblance to Kate’s case and would basically end in the same

Critique a research article Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

Critique a research article - Essay Example pecially amongst physicians and concerns about how to alleviate the situation are in order (Mauer, 2011: 34).The antipsychotics are closely associated to an apparent yet predictable increase in weight that is more proclaimed during the first period of medication of the second generation antipsychotics. After the first period however, the weight gain is considerably low though it still persists. An analysis done on a sample of 101 serious mentally ill patients was set up over a two year period to help analyze the likely changes that could be effected through medically proven procedures. These procedures include disciplined healthy eating habits, education and exercises. Significantly, the test was done to mainly establish other. The weight to be examined was mainly associated with abdominal obesity. Interventions have been initiated in an attempt to control the weight gain associated with these medications, including lifestyle, education, weight loss medications, and exercise have all been tried and evaluated. Currently, the research indicates significantly greater weight reduction in lifestyle intervention groups or standard care groups. (Sheldon, 2007: 32). The article aims to critically analyze the credibility of these procedures, analyze the findings as well as recommend for any probable interventions that could be used instead. A study research involving seriously ill mental patients is arguably one of the hardest studies one is likely to perform. It is prone to so much inaccuracy as the subjects under investigation are not likely to be relied upon to comprehensively provide satisfying information. Therefore, the mere use of the subjects is more likely to be considered full of bias as compared to stable subjects. However, the use of even numbers of both male and female subjects is more likely to provide more accurate results in a particular study unless the two are compared separately. The study in this case is not gender sensitive in terms of providing the

Social Capital and how it Influences Migration Essay Example for Free

Social Capital and how it Influences Migration Essay Several scholars have given varying definitions of the term social capital. Social capital is a term used to refer to: â€Å"features of social organization such as networks, norms and social trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit† (Putman 67). Fukuyama, another scholar, refers to it as an instantiated norm that is informal in nature and promotes cooperation among the members (1). Among the various definitions suggested by different scholars, the key notion they all agree to; is that social capital can only be present within relationships (Fukuyama 1). In these relationships, co-operation is facilitated by shared norms and understanding among the individuals involved for mutual benefit. Unlike human capital that is attributed to an individual, the whole concept of social capital involves social connectedness, neighborliness, civic involvement, trust, reciprocity and norms of co-operation. Researchers have been able to prove individuals with high levels of social capital tend to have higher educational achievements, better health, better jobs and less criminal activities. Social capital is a result of co-operation among individuals who share a similar status within the situation, have common objectives and are guided by particular customs. Certain aspects of the social structure facilitate social capital, aspects such as common historical backgrounds and shared religion. Repeated community interactions lead to the rising of numerous co-operative norms that set the basis for spontaneous generation of social capital. The shared norms and beliefs that persons ought to or ought not to act in a certain way determine the extent to which individuals interacts, for example vacating a seat for an expectant woman on the bus. From time to time, people experience social needs that they have to satisfy. Socially, an individual is helpless if left all by himself and must interact wi th other in order to generate social capital to satisfy his needs. Human needs that are non-social in nature and can be satisfied without assistance from other individuals are very few making the satisfaction of both social and non-social products of a single process. Fukuyama asserts that: shared historical experience can shape informal norms and produce social capital (16). Individuals with similar historic backgrounds tend to share a set of norms that in turn lead to co-operation amongst themselves. Religion is a significant contributor to the larger social capital theory by setting some common grounds for co-ordination among its followers. Over the years, religious institutions have been governed by a set of regulations that its members have to adhere to giving rise to certain norms among the community of members. Sometimes social capital is generated for specific purposes; Individuals may create social networks that will enable him/her achieve a specific objective. Reciprocity norms results in the generation of social capital as it creates in an individual the need and willingness to help others. The desire for better living has also facilitated the generation of social capital where Individuals can acquire and accumulate other forms of capital through social capital. Both formal and informal networks form the basis of social capital concept. Alberto Douglas confirm that there has been the emergence of social structures based on kinship or friendship. Those related socially to migrants; current migrants or former migrants can access social capital significantly increasing their likelihood of migration (Alberto, Douglas, et al1272). The hypothesis has been time and again invoked to give an insight to the concentration of particular types of migrants in certain areas and the magnitude of their migration. Migration is facilitated by Migrant Networks; interpersonal connections that link migrants, non-migrants, and former migrants to one another th rough shared community origin. (Alberto, Douglas, et al., 1262). These set of networks are as a result of the already generated social capital. International migration is further fueled by core families already settled in which out-migrants cohere and the established social institutions campaigning in favor of migration. This kind of a connection increase the chances of International migration since the cost and risk involved in the movement is substantially lowered. Chances of out-migration increase each time a relation relocates to a different location. â€Å"Over time migrant networks become self-sustaining as a result of the social capital that they provide to prospective migrants† (Alberto, Douglas, et al., 1286). This fact is commonly observed among siblings where the younger siblings are more likely to follow suit after the elder ones. The migrant families over time establish themselves first by building social networks among themselves and then with the rest of the local population as they accumulate experiences. The migrant grows to the point where it can sustain itself and continues to admit more migrants into its social relationship. This kind of setup is a social tie the makes it simple for the out-migrants to settle in as it provides a link between sending and receiving communities. Through social network with relatives or friends, the migrants can secure housing, jobs or even financial assistance. Complementary social roles and interpersonal relationships maintained by an informal set of expectations and prescribed behavior keep in bondage both migrants and non-migrants through social capital. This kind of social capital generates over time by virtue of being in a similar region under similar circumstances and not by the migratory process. Through such social ties, those left behind by the migrants can mitig ate the loneliness of having a loved one away from them. The migrants also draw upon these ties to share the often, not so favorable conditions of life in exile. The types of social capital people generate while relating to each other are very multidimensional in nature. Different network structures present a different social capital, the goal to be achieved being the determining factor. Social capital can be specific in nature when it is generated specifically to satisfy a given situation, i.e.; some kinds of ties are more important for the attainment of particular goals. This network is only instrumental in the achievement of the task. For example, sales managers sitting to strategize on the means to boost the sales of a new product through promotions. Close ties are often than not general social capital and are in most cases informal promoting the well-being of the individual members. Example, offering advice, spiritual support et. Cetera. References Alberto Palloni, Douglas S. Massey, Michael Spittel, Kristin Espinosa, Miguel Ceballos and Michael Spittel. â€Å"Social Capital and International Migration.†American Journal of Sociology. 106. 5 (2001): 1262-1298. PrinDouglas Massey, Rafael Alarcon, Jorge Durand, Humberto Gonzales. Return to Aztlan: The social Process of International Migration from Western Mexico. Berkeley: University of California press, 1987. Print.Francis Fukuyama. â€Å"Social Capital and Civil Society.†Conference on Second Generation. (1999): web 15 Nov. 2008. www.imf.org/external/pubs/ft/seminar/1999/reforms/fukuyama.htmPettigrew, T. F. Annual Review of Psychology† Intergroup contact theory. 49.2 (1998):65-85. Print. Putnam, R. â€Å"America’s declining social capital Journal of Democracy† Bowling Alone.6.1 (1995): 65-78. Print. Source document

Teaching English To Children With Learning Disabilities Education Essay

Teaching English To Children With Learning Disabilities Education Essay Introduction The world we are living in is undergoing major changes in a stunningly short amount of time. Everything is moving, everything is changing, including all the central systems upon which all civilized societies of the world work. Education systems around the globe are also in a constant reformation, trying to keep up with the individual and collective needs of the people, with the emergence of new technologies and with the modernity in general. I have decided to approach the issue of the children with learning disabilities, teaching English to them, because although the science and the world have evolved rapidly in the last century, it seems that there are still aspects of the society that are left alone or who are not given sufficient credit, perhaps from ignorance, or perhaps from unknowing what to do. Why children with learning difficulties? Because they represent a special category, which unfortunately is frequently omitted, and children with this condition are often placed in schools where there is no qualified staff to help them grow personally and professionally as they should. For avoiding confusion over what really a learning disability means, in the first chapter of my paper I thought it will be necessary to clarify the concept, by offering the definitions of several specialists. In this same chapter I will try to develop some theoretical concepts, such as the detailed description of the term and of the behavior involved, all of which are essential for understanding a student with Learning Disabilities. In the second chapter I aim to describe the circumstances in which English has become in recent decades the international language, and the importance and necessity of learning a foreign language in the socio-politic and economic actual context, especially for an ex-communist country in developing such the case of Romania is for over twenty years. In the third and final chapter, I will present the various methods and techniques of teaching English as a foreign language available for the children with learning difficulties, offering examples of several worksheets collected with the support of several English teachers. A short inroad to learning disabilities In this first chapter of my paper I want to analyze the issue of learning disabilities based on specialized readings, to make a brief insight into the history of the field research and an analysis of the factors underlying these abnormalities, announcing the features of this problem and some of the ways by which a child with learning difficulties can be traced in time to be helped. Children across the world live their true life adventure once they begin school. For each and every one of them it is a long awaited moment and most are able to perfectly adapt the educational environment. Still, there are some children for whom school proves to be a chore: the children who are faced with learning disabilities (LD). They represent a special category which unfortunately is often overlooked. Historical overview The approach towards children with learning disabilities is not new at all. It exists even from the invention of school, but it was not until the 1960s that it was emphasized. The novelty in this area consists of the higher interest shown lately towards children with such a disability and finding ways throughout they can be helped to overcome the difficulties encountered while studying, or even through their whole lifetime. The man initiating the term was Samuel Kirk (director of the Federal Office of Educations Division of Handicapped Children between 1963 and 1964 and founding director of the Institute for research on Exceptional Children at the University of Illinois) , term which is considered to design a neurological disorder affecting children of normal intelligence, physical intactness, emotional health and average motivation, but who are facing troubles in using certain skills and achieving success at school and in everyday life. Defining the term proved to be a complex process and thus, over time many variants have been proposed by doctors, teachers and other specialists of the field. In the first edition of his research concerning the education of exceptional children in 1962, Kirk provided the following definition: A learning disability refers to a retardation disorder, or delayed development in one or more of the process of speech, language, reading, writing, arithmetic, or other school subject resulting from a psychological handicap caused by a possible cerebral dysfunction and/ or emotional or behavioral disturbances. It is not the result of mental retardation, sensory deprivation, or cultural and instructional factors. (Kirk 263) The definition and the term given by Kirk to design the disorder were immediately embraced by the parents in the first national conference on the subject, hold in the same year because it made it clear that there is a great difference between the mental issue and the learning one. The definition of Kirk also provided a solid foundation for further research and definitions in the field. According to Turkington and Harris most definitions suggest that learning disabilities are permanent, affect a range of language and mathematics functions, and are caused in part from problems within the central nervous system, as stipulated by the Interagency Committee on Learning Disabilities, an organization formed by 12 agencies within the federal gouvernment in USA in 1987: Learning disabilities is a generic term that refers to a heterogenous group of disorders manifested by significant difficulties in the acquisition and use of listening skills, speaking, reading, writing, reasoning, or mathematical abilities, or of social skills. These disorders are intrinsic to the individual and presumed to be due to the central nervous system dysfunction. Even though a learning disability may occur concomitantly with other handicapping conditions,[], a learning disability is not the direct result of those conditions or influences. (ICLD 222) Nowadays, it seems that the most widely used definition is the one included in the Individuals with Disabilities Education Act from 2004 (Flanagan, Alfonso), which unlike most definitions, it refers to a specific learning disability: The term specific learning disability means a disorder in one or more of the basic psychological process involved in understanding or using language, spoken or written, which may manifest itself in the imperfect ability to listen, think, speak, read, spell, or do mathematical calculations. Such a term includes such conditions as perceptual disabilities, brain injury, minimal brain dysfunction, dyslexia, and developmental aphasia. Such a term does not include a learning problem that is primarily the result of visual, hearing, or motor disabilities; of mental retardation; of emotional disturbance; or of an environmental, cultural, or economic disadvantage. (IDEA, 2004, 602.30, Definitions) The number of students who are in such a situation is much higher than one might think. In England for example 2% of the population has a learning disability according to the British Institute of Learning disabilities, which also mentions the fact that the term learning difficulty is preferred to learning disability, because the society we live in is harsh and often the issue of learning difficulties is misinterpreted and identified with mental problems. Although a learning disability can often accompany such a problem, it is not a rule as specified in the definitions given by Kirk or stated in the IDEA. The distinction between the two terms can be seen rather at a cultural level (Americans prefer using disability and Europeans difficulty) rather to the specificity of the problem: Learning disability- is a general term that refers to individuals who find it harder to learn, understand and communicate. Other terms that are used to describe an individuals situation include complex needs or high support needs. Learning difficulty -is often used in educational settings and refers to individuals who have specific problems. Children and young people requiring special education needs are often described as having a learning difficulty. Throughout the world, learning disabilities affect at least 1 in 10 children. But nowadays a learning disability isnt considered anymore a handicap. People have learned to accept those with such conditions, and the personas from the public life had a great contribution. Apart from the classic examples of Albert Einstein who was unable to speak to the age of three, or the great Demostene who was a powerful public speaker in the ancient times, but who in his youth faced serious problems of stammering, there are also modern public figures who acknowledge freely that at a certain moment in their lives have been confronted with such a malady, such as actor Tom Cruise, singer Cher or director Steven Spielberg. Causes of learning disabilities The exact causes leading to these types of disabilities have not been clearly stated by specialists in their research. However, some reference was established for both parents and for teachers I order to use them in diagnosing children with LD. There are several factors that could possibly be blamed for such a disorder. Among these, the most important to remember are: genetic factors, organic factors and environmental factors. Genetic factors Evidence has shown that learning problems run in families. The odds that a child is learning-disabled are much higher when the in the family was previously reported at least one such case. There are maternal factors such as the use of drugs, alcohol or tobacco during pregnancy that have negative effects; it is well-known that mothers who smoke during pregnancy for example, are more likely to bear small babies, who are at a higher risk for learning disabilities; poor prenatal medical care and nutrition and prenatal injury or delivery complications can also be responsible. Organic factors Organic factors refer to dysfunctions that may appear in the central nervous system and damage the brain known as Minimal Brain Dysfunctions. Environmental factors There are several factors in the childs environment thought to affect his abilities of learning, such as nutritional deficiencies, inadequate learning experience or environmental toxins such as mercury or dioxins released into the childs body within his first year of life. For example, in economic deprived families there exist the possibility the child is never given the opportunity to go to school, and so he is a stranger to the domain of linguistic and cognitive activities. Unfortunately, such cases are becoming more and more common, especially in poor or developing countries. When it comes to the experience achieved in schools, researchers agree that poor quality teaching in schools may also cause a learning disability. There are cases when the use of inappropriate materials or a teaching style that does not allow the learner enough time to acquire basic skills, moving too fast can contribute to the unsuccessful activity of the student. There are many cases when students are labeled unconsciously by their teachers or peers as being lazy or stupid, but in fact their only problem is that their brains are designed to process information differently. Myrna Orenstein thinks these children are smart but stuck. So far there no treatment has been found to cure this condition, but children can be helped to learn successfully with the appropriate support from both parents but especially from teachers. However, it is necessary for a learning disabled child to be discovered in time. How do we recognize a learning disabled child? Because types of LD vary from child to child, so do the symptoms. Yet, there are some peculiarities in each case which can be very useful to the parents in the process of identifying this disorder, because after all they are usually the ones who first noticed abnormalities in their children. According to Siegel, there are some gestures and moves that a child should be able to do in the first years of life, upon which the pediatricians agree: A one-year-old should be able to reach for objects, roll over, stand with some support, follow objects, laugh, respond to no, and use a crayon. By the age of two, a child should respond to other children, walk, use some words, recognize familiar persons, point, and understand some simple shapes. A three-year-old should be able to move easily and go up stairs, be understood when speaking, use scissors, and draw pictures. By the age of four, a child should be able to catch a ball, copy shapes, count, identify some colors, dress without help, and play appropriate with peers. (Siegel,28) The first signs that parents and educators should be concerned of are: 1. Children often prefer to get isolated, they are shy, insecure, avoid playing with other children or sharing things. 2. The child has difficulties understanding and follows different instructions or memory issues, such as not remembering what he is saying. 3. He/She has difficulty distinguishing the left from the right, in identifying words or has an emphasized tendency to reverse letters, words, or numbers. 4. He/ She lack coordination while walking, in sports or much easier activities such as holding a pencil in the hand or tying his/her shoe lace. 5. Often, the child fails to understand the concept of time, is confused regarding yesterday, today and tomorrow. Obviously, the early the disorder is discovered, the better for the child, because we all know it is better preventing than remediating further effects. But if the child has already entered school without being diagnosed with a LD, then the signs should be more obvious for those surrounding him because he usually draw attention to himself: 1. He/she might get confused and wander homework, school books and other things. 2. The appearance of disruptiveness when in school- some LD children continuously bother, distract or in some way disrupt others-even the entire class. Their behaviour differ- some get engaged in some type of physical contact which disturbs classmates, while others make faces, talk or laugh at inappropriate times.(Blanton 29) 3. The child might have difficulties paying attention or staying focused, in processing, understanding, and expressing information through language.(Siegel 29) 4. He/ She might have trouble copying or getting ideas onto paper. 5. He/ she isnt very skilful, but it is usually creative in his/ her own way, and it is considered to be a constant source of amazement and delight by their teachers. Although at a first view it may seem a minor problem, the misdiagnosing of a LD child, or worse, ignoring his condition can lead to catastrophic effects later in his teenager or adult life. There are statistics which showed that juvenile delinquency can be easily associated with learning issues. Also, the child that is not being properly treated and helped and considered to be a laisser faire at school, may later abuse drugs or alcohol to pass more easily over the issue. When the world is as black as theirs is, anything that will allow a few hours of pleasure is welcomed. Suicide of course, is the ultimate out. But its rare. (Stevens 59) Testing for learning disabilities Many specialists refuse to test preschoolers for such condition, considering that they should first come into contact with the school environment and achieve some sort of results, and only after this basic steps they can further determine if a child needs therapy or not. Others, on the other hand, say otherwise, the statistics showing that a correct and careful testing may have an accuracy of 82% to 95% in determining whether a child aged five or fewer is dealing with LD. On the other hand, those who suffer from severe Attention Deficit Disorder, commonly associated with a specific learning disability can be more easily recognized even before starting kindergarten. Indeed, it is difficult to determine if a child under school age is learning-disabled. What is certainly though is the fact that no learning- disabled child should be ignored and that he should be given the necessary support beginning his early days of school. According to New and Cochran, another important factor standing in the way of the diagnosis of LD in children is the fact that learning problems or developmental delays can be precursors of other cognitive, behavioral, sensory, or developmental disorders, not just a learning disability.(New, Cochran,481) In order to diagnose children with LD there have been conceived a series of achievement tests meant to verify the intellectual and practical skills of the children. An achievement test represents a standardized measure of knowledge, information, or procedural learning which may asses general academic areas such as reading, writing, or mathematics, used by school systems to provide a standard measure of individual student performance, and to provide an aggregated measure of performance that enables school systems to evaluate their effectiveness. Achievement testes are also used as part of the diagnosis assessment of individuals to determine whether they have a learning disability and qualify for special education services. (Turkington and Harris 4) Types of specific learning disabilities There are several types of Learning Disabilities that prevent young students to lead a normal life both at school and outside, which may be related to the organization, storage and subsequent description of the information or knowledge gathered in the classroom. 1. Dyslexia is the first general term used to describe various learning problems. Eventually, these problems were subdivided and categorized to describe different learning disabilities. Because of this matter, Davis and Braun referred to dyslexia as the Mother of Learning Disabilities. Nowadays, the term designs only the disability related to reading. Characteristics of dyslexic students: The main problem of a dyslexic is that he is facing troubles reading words fluently; Dyslexics are more curious than average students; Students may find it easier to think mainly in pictures instead of words; Most dyslexics have a vivid imagination; Dyslexics are highly intuitive. Famous Dyslexics: Hans Christian Andersen, Winston Churchill, Leonardo da Vinci, Jay Leno. 2. Dyscalculia refers to problems of arithmetic and math nature, which are considered to be caused by a visual perceptual deficit. Characteristics of students with dyscalculia: At an early age they have problems organizing things logically, such as separating round objects from square ones; They have difficulties when learning to count or align numbers; They often have problems recognizing printed numbers; They have persistent issues in learning number facts such as multiplication tables or doing even the simplest numerical tasks; They have difficulties dealing with time and money notions. 3. Dysgraphia is the type of learning disability manifested through a writing disorder resulting in illegibility and of which cause is still unknown to this time. Acccording to Maria Chivers, there are two types of dysgraphia: a. Phonological dysgraphia- writing word as a pure sound spelling which is incorrect (especially seen on language learners). b. Visual dysgraphia- writing words, which are correctly spelt apart from some letters being reversed (ex: brink instead of drink). Characteristics of students who are facing dysgraphia: At an early age they avoid writing and drawing; They have trouble shaping the letters; It can be observed an inconsistent spacing between their letters or words; They often mixt cursive and print writing; They pronounce words out loud while writing. 4. Dyspraxia also known as the sensory integration disorder, is specific to students who have problems with motor coordination. Characteristics of students with dyspraxia: Young learners may have problems with picking up small items; during a sport class they may fall over for no apparent reason; They have problems following instructions, reading maps; They can change hand very often when writing because they are confused about whether to use their right or left; They have problems telling the time. 5. Central auditory processing disorder- consists of a difficulty processing and remembering language-related tasks. Characteristics of students: They are unable to take notes in class; They have difficulties in listening instructions and thus doing what they are being asked; They cant concentrate when someone is talking to follow the words in their correct order; They face great troubles when trying to learn a foreign language. 6. Non-verbal learning disorders The students who fall in this category are usually having troubles understanding nonverbal cues as body language or the association of pictures with words. They normally lack coordination, and thus, are being very clumsy. 7. Visual perceptual/ visual motor deficit- students have problems copying accurately, they complain about eye itching, they struggle with cutting things. 8. Language disorders, also referred to as aphasia or dysphasia are described as problems of students who are having troubles understanding and using spoken or written language. Language disorders represent the most common type of learning disabilities. Characteristics of students with a language-based disability: They have troubles expressing their ideas clearly; They may have problems learning the alphabet, new vocabulary and understanding questions; They have difficulties writing from dictation if the teachers lips cannot be seen. All of the above mentioned learning disabilities can be also included in the category of students dealing with memory disorders. Most of the characteristics of these students can be also found among the description of the others disabilities, such as: Inconsistency of the student when learning new information; The inability of them to follow instructions; The inability of delivering a correct message. The difficulty remembering what has been said or asked from them in class. Conclusions Throughout my whole paper I aimed to draw attention on students with learning difficulties, trying to point out the key elements of this condition and what should be considered when dealing with such children. I have tried to address myself especially to future teachers, the young generation, to whom is in their power to change the mentality and traditional methods so widely used in schools at the moment and which unfortunately fail to meet the students needs. To be able to cope with a student with Learning Disabilities, informing and training the parents and teachers is essential in order to provide solutions to specific issues related to the disability, targeting especially the teaching methods, behavior management strategies, as well as elements that can lead to the development of the collaboration between the school and the family, and, if required, the medical community. Along with behavioral intervention strategies, a coherent set of educational methods adapted to the condition are required. Also, it is recommended that this set of interventions and approaches to be backed up by individual and family counseling.   Ã‚   In terms of action principles and solutions for teachers, especially for the beginners, I tried to devote an entire chapter, the final one, because it was actually my goal from the very beginning to help to the development of new techniques , able to bear the special needs of a child with learning difficulties. Works cited Andrews, J. E., Carnine, D. W., Coutinho, M. J., Edgar, E. B., Forness, S. R., Fuchs, L. S., et al.(2000). Bridging the special education divide. Remedial and Special Education, 21, 258-260, 267. Anderson, P. L., Meier-Hedde, R. (2001). Early case reports of dyslexia in the United States and Europe. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 34, 9-21. Anonymous. (1966). Minimal brain dysfunction in children:Terminology and identification.Washington, DC: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Association for Children with Learning Disabilities. (1986). ACLD definition: Specific learning disabilities. ACLD Newsbriefs, 15-16. Barsch, R. H. (1967). Achieving perceptual-motor efficiency: A space oriented approach to learning.Seattle, WA: Special Child Publications. Lyon, G. R. (1995a). Toward a definition of dyslexia. Annals of Dyslexia, 45, 3-27.